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社会裂隙、政党与利益群体:基于美、德、日三国的研究(英文版) 收藏
[比]费边·鲍文斯(Fabian Bauwens) 著 2018年12月 出版
关键词: 社会裂隙 政党 利益群体 美国 德国 日本 英文版
简 介:本书将社会裂隙理论重新应用到了政党和其他与选举相关的政治参与之中。这种路径允许将政党和其他致力于选举的政治组织在同一理论和方法论框架下进行比较,也有利于探索政党方案语言与有组织利益群体方案内容之间瞬息万变的关系。本书不仅会为社会裂隙、政党和有组织利益群体之间的关系作出理论贡献,还会为政党“如何才能更好反应那些基于社会裂隙的群体利益”提出一些基础性建议,同时也有助于我们重新思考21 世纪政体代表问题,以及政党和利益群体组织之间的互动。
¥ 29.4 试读
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社会裂隙、政党与利益群体:基于美、德、日三国的研究(英文版) 收藏
作者: [比]费边·鲍文斯(Fabian Bauwens) 著 出版时间:2018年12月
关键词: 社会裂隙 政党 利益群体 美国 德国 日本 英文版
简 介:本书将社会裂隙理论重新应用到了政党和其他与选举相关的政治参与之中。这种路径允许将政党和其他致力于选举的政治组织在同一理论和方法论框架下进行比较,也有利于探索政党方案语言与有组织利益群体方案内容之间瞬息万变的关系。本书不仅会为社会裂隙、政党和有组织利益群体之间的关系作出理论贡献,还会为政党“如何才能更好反应那些基于社会裂隙的群体利益”提出一些基础性建议,同时也有助于我们重新思考21 世纪政体代表问题,以及政党和利益群体组织之间的互动。
¥ 29.4 试读
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Five Sociological Base and Cleavage Translation 收藏
作者: [比]费边·鲍文斯(Fabian Bauwens) 著 出版时间:2018年12月
关键词:
出处: 社会裂隙、政党与利益群体:基于美、德、日三国的研究(英文版)
简 介:In this chapter, I discuss the testing of Hypothesis 3, which relates to the sociological base of both the examined cleavage pole and the identity-interest organizations that were analyzed. In short, I will test whether a change in size of sociological cleavage-based group has an effect on how well parties translate the demands formulated by the identity-interest organizations representing that group. As mentioned in previous chapters, I opted to select the largest and most influential identity-interest group for this analysis because of the infinite nature of the identity-interest organization arena compared with the electoral arena. For the union federations, I identify the sociological base narrowly as workers in the sense of traditional labor, or the segment of industrial employees active in the secondary sector. While I recognize that there is a potential that employees who do not fit this category also may identify as working class, I opted to define the sociological base more narrowly and traditionally because it was also defined as such in previous literature, including Lipset and Rokkan, but also because the uniqueness of this project cautions against assuming a too-generous interpretation of a sociological base. (1967; Sartori 1990) For the minority organizations, I identify as a sociological base the specific minority that the selected identity-interest organization aims to represent.
¥ 6.67 试读
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Four Party Systems and Cleavage Translation 收藏
作者: [比]费边·鲍文斯(Fabian Bauwens) 著 出版时间:2018年12月
关键词:
出处: 社会裂隙、政党与利益群体:基于美、德、日三国的研究(英文版)
简 介:In this chapter, I discuss the testing of the two hypotheses that relate to the characteristics of two-party, multiparty, and dominant-party systems. The first hypothesis to be tested, responsiveness of parties to cleavage translation over time (H1), relates to the level of responsiveness of parties to cleavage translation depending on the party system. The second hypothesis, level of fluctuation of party translation of cleavages over time (H2), relates to the differences in cleavage translation among parties within the same party system. H1: In a two-party system, parties will be or become less responsive to cleavage translation over time. In a multiparty system, parties will be more responsive to cleavage translation over time. In a dominant-party system, the dominant party will be less responsive to cleavage translation, whereas the other parties will be more responsive over time.
¥ 8.42 试读
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Three Methodology and Data 收藏
作者: [比]费边·鲍文斯(Fabian Bauwens) 著 出版时间:2018年12月
关键词:
出处: 社会裂隙、政党与利益群体:基于美、德、日三国的研究(英文版)
简 介:In order to provide an answer to the hypotheses formulated in Chapter One, a content analysis-based method will be employed to compare the programmatic content of extra-electoral identity-interest organizations with that of national election manifestos published by the national political parties. The main assumption is that the programmatic content of the largest national union federations’ documents will much better translate theside of the “workers-vs.- employers” cleavage than any political party does because unions traditionally cater to that demographic, whereas in order to win elections, parties have a need to expand their potential voter reservoirs. In a similar vein, I will explore the extent to which the issues important to the largest segments of the subject population are translated by the national parties. In other words, the level to which party documents correspond with these of identity-interest organizations advocating on behalf of these groups will tell us how well parties translate the issues important to the population on one side of a cleavage divide, to what extent these parties can be considered to be representative of that population segment, and to what extent different party systems are representative of that population segment.
¥ 11.07 试读
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Two U.S., German, and Japanese Mass Interest Organizations 收藏
作者: [比]费边·鲍文斯(Fabian Bauwens) 著 出版时间:2018年12月
关键词:
出处: 社会裂隙、政党与利益群体:基于美、德、日三国的研究(英文版)
简 介:In this chapter, the individual identity-interest groups analyzed for this project will be the main focus. On one hand, the goal is to make the reader familiar with the different organizations, with an emphasis of their importance for this project. On the other hand, this chapter also serves to deepen the case-selection justification by providing more detailed data.This chapter is organized as follows: A first section groups the three selected union federations: AFL-CIO, DGB, and RENGO. A second section discusses the three selected immigrant/minority organizations: LULAC, TGD, and BLL. As an in-depth discussion of each selected organization might require its own volume, the information provided here is limited to what is necessary for the purposes of this project. As already pointed out in Chapter One, none of these organizations is assumed to represent the entire population that finds itself on the worker and subject population poles of the worker-vs.-employer and subject-vs.-dominant population cleavages, respectively. I argue, however, that because they not only are the largest and most influential organizations representing the largest segments of said populations, they will be sufficient to detect the major differences with regard to how well the sociological bases of these specific segments are represented by parties compared with identity-interest organizations. Furthermore, I contend that the mechanisms revealed may yield insights on how the relationship may function between parties and the entire sociological base of the two selected cleavages for the three cases.
¥ 10.01 试读
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One The Decline of Working Class Party Representation 收藏
作者: [比]费边·鲍文斯(Fabian Bauwens) 著 出版时间:2018年12月
关键词:
出处: 社会裂隙、政党与利益群体:基于美、德、日三国的研究(英文版)
简 介:Before delving deeper into the problem addressed, it is necessary to present a precise definition of what social cleavages are and to illuminate how they relate to parties and organized interests. The idea of something like cleavages as a politics-structuring set of sociological divisions within the polity has existed since the beginning of political science, particularly in the field of political sociology. Indeed, the origins of the cleavage concept can be traced back to authors as Tocqueville, Marx, Michels, Ostrogorski, Weber, Coser and others. (Coser 1956; Lipset 1959b; Allardt and Littunen 1964; Lipset and Rokkan 1967) It is then all the more ironic that a subfield building on a basis of authors whose works focused on the sociology of politics largely lost sight of some of the sociological aspect in their writings, in particular the implications for mass interest groups. However, it was not until Lipset and Rokkan published their seminal piece that the cleavage concept began to attract significant attention within the field of psephology. (Karvonen and Kuhnle 2001; Franklin 2010) Earlier works in political sociology paved the way, as well as some of Lipset and Rokkan’s work, yet many of these works either did not receive as much attention as the 1967 article or lacked broader theoretical discussion of the cleavage concept. In other publications, the cleavage concept was taken as a given without much elaboration on defining it. Exceptions that unfortunately did not get as much attention were follow-up pieces by Rokkan that addressed some crucial criticisms on the 1967 piece and deepened the theoretical debate of the concept. (1970; 1975) Unfortunately, despite their very ambitious attempt, Lipset and Rokkan still did not do a thorough job of specifying exactly what they meant with the concept “cleavage.” Throughout the years, a range of related, yet slightly different, descriptions are used, which makes it difficult for the reader to grasp what they meant by the term, and nowhere did they devote a summarizing section to this, either. (1967; also cf. Flora et al 1999; Karvonen and Kuhnle 2001; Bornschier 2009)
¥ 11.47 试读